Economic Breadth — Methodology

What this page counts

A composite score tells you how the economy reads once its parts are weighted together. It cannot tell you how many parts agree. Two months can score identically — one because nearly everything improved a little, the other because two heavily-weighted inputs surged while most of the rest slipped. Economic Breadth answers the second question and only the second question: how widespread is the movement?

Each member indicator casts one vote a month — improving, deteriorating, or abstaining — judged against its own history, not against the others. The page reports the tally, plus net breadth: improving minus deteriorating, as a share of the whole electorate. Counts, never probabilities. Historical ranges, never forecasts.

Who votes: the membership line

Economic Breadth counts what the economy does — not what markets price, and not how people feel.

  • In — measurements of real activity: production, employment, income, sales, housing activity, trade, inventories, and credit quantities and behaviour (loan volumes, delinquencies, reported changes in lending standards).
  • In — reported-activity surveys. The test is the question the survey asks: “what happened at your firm this period” is a measurement collected by questionnaire. Lending standards (SLOOS) and the ISM surveys qualify.
  • Out — market prices and their derivatives: equities and equity trend constructions, interest rates, yield curves, spreads, commodities, valuation ratios. A census should count measurements, not priced opinions about measurements. Those indicators keep their own pages elsewhere on the site.
  • Out — opinion and expectation surveys: sentiment, confidence, inflation expectations. Mood can decouple from activity for years; letting mood vote would pollute the activity count.

Where the same economic fact is stored in several transforms (level, month-over-month, year-over-year), exactly one representative votes — one voter per fact. Series with no honest “good direction” do not vote at all: the roster census of record classes them ambiguous-polarity. Among them are the personal saving rate, housing inventory, and the CPI and PCE inflation statistics. Membership moves only by amendment to the decision record, never by data availability.

The electorate

Twenty-four voters carry the census today.

seriesthe fact it measurescadenceimprovement is
payrollspayroll employmentmonthlyhigher
unemploymentlabor slack (U-3)monthlylower
jobless_claimsUI claimsweekly → monthlylower
joltslabor demand (openings)monthlyhigher
awhmanhours worked (mfg workweek)monthlyhigher
industrial_productionindustrial productionmonthlyhigher
core_capexcapital-goods ordersmonthlyhigher
real_retail_salesretail sales (real)monthlyhigher
cass_freightfreight volumesmonthlyhigher
housing_startsresidential constructionmonthlyhigher
new_home_salesnew-home salesmonthlyhigher
real_personal_incomepersonal income (real)monthlyhigher
gdp_levelaggregate output (product side)quarterlyhigher
totalslconsumer credit quantity (break-free: the Fed's flow growth)monthlyhigher
consumer_delinquencyhousehold loan qualityquarterlylower
drblacbsbusiness loan qualityquarterlylower
profit_cpataxcorporate profitsquarterlyhigher
labor_force_participationlabor engagementmonthlyhigher
wage_growthwage incomemonthlyhigher
heavy_truck_salesheavy-truck salesmonthlyhigher
real_pce_servicesservices consumption (real)monthlyhigher
debt_service_ratiohousehold payment burdenquarterlylower
business_loansbusiness credit quantitymonthlyhigher
slooslending standards (reported behavior)quarterlylower

Three more are admitted but abstaining until they have enough history of their own to be judged against — they enter automatically, under the same rule as everyone else:

seriesthe fact it measurescadenceenters
existing_home_salesexisting-home salesmonthly2030
ism_mfgmanufacturing surveymonthly~2031
ism_svcservices surveymonthly~2031

How a vote is cast

A member's vote is the direction of its change over a three-month window, in its own polarity, measured at its own native cadence. A quarterly series votes on its quarter-over-quarter change, and that vote stands until its next release.

The dead band. A change only counts if it is large enough to matter for that series. The threshold is the median of the member's own history of absolute changes, computed only from periods strictly before the month being judged. The band is therefore calibrated per member, never across members, and never with data from the future. Movement inside the band is an abstention. Chatter becomes silence; that is the anti-noise device.

Abstention is first-class. Abstainers stay in the denominator, so a quiet economy honestly shrinks net breadth toward zero rather than exaggerating whichever few members happened to move. Abstaining counts are displayed, never folded away.

Burn-in. A member needs 60 months (or 20 quarters) of its own history before it can vote — no member is judged against a threshold built from a handful of observations. Months in which fewer than 12 members had burned in are not a census at all and are not stored. The record begins in February 1964, when the twelfth member qualified, and the electorate grows to today's 24 as later series reach their own burn-in.

No interpolation, ever. A member that misses its expected release beyond twice its normal cadence abstains rather than carrying a stale vote forward.

Why a three-month window and a median band

The window and the band were not tuned. Before any breadth number was computed, six candidate combinations were declared and the selection rule was frozen. The six were a one-month or three-month window, crossed with a dead band at the 50th, 60th or 70th percentile of each member's own change history. The rule eliminates any combination whose abstention share falls outside 20–60%, then takes the most persistent net-breadth series among the survivors. A census where almost everyone always abstains, or never does, is not measuring.

In the survey of record (August 2026, each month read at its reference month) all six survived the first filter, with abstention shares between 40.4% and 57.4%. The three-month window with the median band was the most persistent (month-to-month correlation 0.83). It won its tie-break against the 60th-percentile band on the lower abstention share. Re-run on the record as it was known — each month read at that month's end, on 29 September 2026 — 5 of the six survive, with abstention shares between 45.0% and 61.0%. The one that falls out is the one-month window with the 70th-percentile band, at 61.0%. The three-month window with the median band is again the most persistent (0.82, against 0.81 for the 60th-percentile band). That is close enough to tie, and it wins the tie-break again on the lower abstention share. Crucially, the selection statistics are blind to the adoption tests below: the cell was chosen before the exam was marked.

What the record shows

Adoption was gated on two tests whose numeric bars were frozen before measurement. Both are stated here as historical counts, read from the record as it is served. Every figure below is the same count the feature page draws, run on the record as it was known (each month at that month's end; the basis section explains). The survey of record measured the same tests on the reference-month basis in August 2026; its figures stand in the decision record (EB-DR-3 and its amendment of 29 September 2026).

Test 1 — is it more than a flat hum? Net breadth had to be persistent (month-to-month correlation of at least 0.70; measured 0.82). It had to visit both extremes (at or below −25 in at least 4% of months, measured 4.1%; at or above +25 in at least 10%, measured 64.8%). No single vote state could swallow more than 90% of all member-months (the largest, abstaining, was 45.1%). It passes on every bar.

Test 2 — do the most negative months differ from the rest?Months in the lowest decile of net breadth against their own prior history — 82 of the 632 months eligible for the test, on the record from February 1964 to September 2026 — were compared against NBER recession dating. Of those 82, 52 were followed by a recession month within six months (63.4%, against a 16.0% rate across all eligible months) and 54 within twelve (65.9%, against 21.7%). Both counts clear a placement placebo of 1,000 seeded random draws (p95 bars of 18 and 24) and a structure control that preserves the series' persistence while destroying its alignment (p95 bars of 8 and 10.049999999999955).

28 of those 82 months were not followed by a recession inside twelve months; 4 of them — July 1995, December 2002, January 2003, May 2003 — sit clear of any recession in either direction.

What Test 2 does and does not mean

T2’s pass is the instrument agreeing with the definition of recessions — widespread activity deterioration is close to what a recession IS — not a predictive discovery. The 2019-11/12 extremes “preceding” COVID are the standing cautionary exhibit: no census predicts a virus. EB ships as an honest counting instrument; the no-lead-language firewall is permanent, and every EB surface speaks descriptively: counts, never probabilities, historical ranges, never forecasts.

On the record as it was known, November and December 2019 read +25.0 and +20.8, and March 2020 +29.2: none of the three is an extreme month, and no extreme month precedes the February 2020 peak; the first extreme month of the COVID era is April 2020. The exhibit the note names is the reference-month record's, on which the verdict was ruled (EB-DR-3, amended 29 September 2026); the note's caution stands on either record — no census counts a virus before it arrives.

Reading the agreement count

The page counts the months in which the breadth reading and the State of the Economy regime label sit on the same side of the activity line. That means net breadth at or above zero under an expansion-family label, or below zero under Contraction. Months labelled Unclassified make no claim and are not compared.

That count has a floor built into it: both measures sit on the expansion side in roughly nine months out of ten, so a high agreement rate is partly arithmetic rather than corroboration. The count is published because the disagreements are the informative months, and they are listed by date whether they flatter the instruments or not. Agreement here means consistency, never correctness: neither measure validates the other, and neither is evidence for the other. They are different questions asked of the same economy — how it reads once weighted, and how many of its parts are moving.

Economic Breadth takes no State of the Economy quantity as input. The regime label is joined only for this comparison, at the display layer; no breadth number is computed from it.

Forward Stress and Economic Breadth ask different questions

The site's Forward Stress composite reads inputs that carry expectations — credit spreads, the yield curve, financial conditions — and asks whether stress is building. Economic Breadth refuses those inputs by charter and counts realized activity only, asking how widespread the movement actually is. The two are not rival answers to one question; they are answers to two.

That difference shows up in when each one moves. Prices embed what participants anticipate, so Forward Stress is built to register strain early — that is its stated job. A census of realized activity cannot do that and does not try: it can only report what has already been measured, which is why it either corroborates that strain once it reaches activity, or does not. Neither reading validates the other, and neither is evidence for the other.

When the two sit on opposite sides, the divergence itself is the information — priced expectation and realized participation are disagreeing about the same economy. This page shows such disagreements rather than resolving them, and it draws no conclusion about which one will turn out to have been right.

Basis, and what it forecloses

The history is computed as it was known: each month's count reads only what had been published by that month's end, and the release calendar dates every observation. Where a member has an archived first print, the count reads it at the value published by then. The other members read today's revised value, so their older rows can still move when a series is revised. Today 12 of the 27 members on the roster read the value published by then and 15 read today's revised value. That choice is declared on the page with a basis chip. Each row is what the count was at that month's end, on the figures then public. The counts above are read on that basis, which is why the record can be tested against what followed without reading figures that were not yet out.

The live census — the page hero's basis (EB-B4) — counts every member at its most recent monthly vote. That is the charter's own persistence, a vote standing until the member's next release. The full 24-voter electorate therefore always counts, and the headline refreshes as releases land. The live census always counts each member's newest available vote, even where the month record's staleness rule would abstain it. The record basis remains the staleness-guarded truth. The calendar never holds a published figure back from the hero. The vote rules are the monthly engine's own — the same 3-month change against the same dead band; nothing new is computed. The monthly table is the record; the live census is a count, never a signal.

Economic Breadth still makes no lead-claim, and never will. It reports what the count was, month by month, alongside what followed — in counts, with the misses shown. It does not forecast, it does not signal, and it does not instruct.

The decision records: the Economic Breadth charter (EB-DR-1), the membership ruling and frozen survey specification (EB-DR-2), and the verdict (EB-DR-3). The prior-art census, the roster census, the survey report, and the build gates are committed alongside them.